
Carnage in the Streets of Iraq
Attacks from Iraq’s Sunni militant groups are unlikely to provoke Shia reprisals. But what the violence can do is increase the chances that Iraqis will lose complete faith in their political leaders.
Attacks from Iraq’s Sunni militant groups are unlikely to provoke Shia reprisals. But what the violence can do is increase the chances that Iraqis will lose complete faith in their political leaders.
Iraq’s future depends on a reconciliation between the Maliki government and the Sunni refugees who have fled to neighboring countries.
If Israel or the United States starts a disastrous war with Iran, it will be because someone thought it was a good idea.
But road blocks toward a functioning government in Iraq are still being thrown up by Sunni politicians.
Muqtada al-Sadr and his followers are deeply embedded in the political structures of the new Iraqi state, regardless of how Muqtada might currently challenge the legitimacy of that state because of its dependence on U.S. support.
U.S. policies of divide and rule in the Middle East, explains FPIF columnist Conn Hallinan, are now exploding in our faces.
If the United States cared so much about democracy in Iraq, why has it acted more like an occupying force in restricting the self-determination of Iraqi citizens?
All sides have claimed victory in the Lebanon conflict. They’re all wrong.
Iraqi Shia and Sunnis have lived in harmony for centuries, the U.S. changed that.
Evidence exists that the roots of the Iraqi civil conflict is political rather than sectarian, and that the best solution is finding a way to bring the troops home.
Body counts are important to remind us of the sacrifices made so far, but they are not a measure of success.
Despite an announced “compromise” both the procedure that produced the Iraqi constitutional draft that will be voted on October 15, and its constitutional substance were and are disastrous.